Parasitic Wasps Essays - Health, Nutrition, Biomolecules, Biology

Parasitic Wasps Malaria is one of the most prevalent and dangerous diseases known to man. It has existed for centuries and affects a myriad of people in the tropical region. Even today, with our newly discovered treatments for many of the tropical diseases, over 10% of the people that are infected with malaria each year and do not receive proper treatment die. In Africa alone, over 1 million children die each year because of malaria and new cases are reported frequently. Malaria is very dangerous and harmful to man. However, the protozoan that causes malaria has existed since man came into being. Fossils of mosquitoes that are 30 million years old contain the vector for malaria. After written history, many civilisations have known about malaria. The Greek physician Hippocrates described the symptoms of malaria in the 5th Century BC The name malaria is derived from the Italian words, mal and aria, meaning "bad air", because people of earlier times believed that the disease was caused by polluted air near swaps and wetlands in Europe. The scientific identification of malaria was not found until 1880. The French army physician, Charles Laveran, while stationed in Algeria, noticed strange shapes of red blood cells in certain patients and identified the disease scientifically and linked to a certain protozoan. Although the disease had been identified, it was not until 1897, when British army physician, Ronald Ross studied birds and discovered that the malarial protozoan was transmitted through mosquitoes. Soon after, two Italian scientists noted that mosquitoes spread malaria to humans as well. Many attempts have been made to try to eradicate the disease. As early as 7 AD, in Rome, swamps were drained to try to prevent the "bad air" from reaching nearby cities. Recently, in the 1950's and 1960's, about 25 years after the development of DDT, the United Nations World Health Organisation tried to wipe out the disease through the use of DDT. Although, the number of cases was reduces in many areas, they started again. Scientists today believe that malaria can never be eradicated due to the fact that the protozoan can manipulate easily and become resistant to a drug that is overused. The mosquitoes that spread malaria are also becoming resistant to insecticides. Malaria can be treated on an individual basis and treatments and medicines can be used. To understand these treatments however, one must understand what happens to a malarial protozoan. The disease, malaria, is cause by the protozoan, Plasmodium, which lives in tropical regions all around the world. There are only four species of this protozoan that cause malaria in humans, Plasmodium ovale, Plasmodium vivax, Plasmodium malariae, and Plasmodium falciparum. These protozoans are spread from infected to healthy people through the bite of the Anopheles mosquito, blood transfusions, or through hypodermic injections. This makes malaria one of the most easily communicable diseases in the world. 1.Sporozoites in salivary gland. 2.Ocysts in stomach wall. 3.Male and female gametocytes. 4.Liver phase. 5.Release of merozoites from liver. These enter red cells where both sexual and asexual cycles continue. Malaria is spread only through the females of the 60 different types of the Anopheles mosquito, as the males do not feed on blood. The symptoms of this disease are many, however a physician must be consulted to avoid risk to a person. To treat malaria, many drugs are used today. Forms of these drugs date back to the 1500's and 1600's. Physicians diagnose malaria by identifying Plasmodia in a patient's body. Once identified, malaria can be treated with chloroquine and primaquine. Since some forms of Plasmodia falciparum have become resistant to these, quinine, mefloquine, or halofautrine are used. Almost all of the cases of malaria can be treated if done in the proper way. However, to suffer the pain and illness of malaria, people can use many preventive measures. All swampy areas must be avoided as well as tropical water that may be contaminated or local food. People should just protect themselves from mosquitoes and risk of infection will be tremendously lowered. This can be done by impregnated bednets. These involve surrounding the bed with a curtain that is sprayed with certain compounds. These are normally pyrethroids or organophosphates, which create an effective barrier between the mosquito and its blood meal. Alternative 'barrier' methods are insect repellents. These are certain chemicals that that when applied to the skin as a spray or lotion is quite effective at deterring the mosquito from landing on a person in order to feed. Other methods of controlling malaria are the use of insecticides and vaccines. Insecticides are chemicals such as

Free Essays on Teenage Curfew

Teenage Curfew Thomas Jefferson, one of the founders of this country, said that â€Å" Those who would sacrifice a little freedom for a little security will lose both and deserve neither.† We are not a socialist state, the desires of the many do not out weigh the rights of the few. The rights of all groups and all individuals no matter how small, poor, weak, or unpopular, are sacred. Those rights are sacred regardless of what the majority believes will increase public safety. That is one of the founding principles that this country is based on. The individual’s rights are sacred, they are beyond question, and they are most certainly beyond arbitrary time restrictions, set by intolerant politicians. The evidence that curfews have any effect on crime is non-existent, the claim that they reduce victimization does not stand up to the simplest logical test, and that is that most victimization of young people occurs in the home, not on the streets or in places of business. The Report in the January 2002, edition of the Western Criminology Review, states plainly and simply that curfews have no effect on juvenile crime. Why then are these laws still routinely being passed around the country? Why have several cities that have had their laws challenged successfully, immediately rewritten the law and passed it again? They are not effecting crime, they are not protecting young people from victimization, the answer has eluded me for some time. My theory at the moment is that curfews are not especially harmful, but they are not too helpful either. They appear to be another high profile gimmick designed to get votes rather then make neighborhoods safe. Sports, recreation and family oriented policies can better increase community safety without sacrificing the freedom in our society. Like so many laws in the United States today, curfew laws are weapons of cultural aggression against youth. They go right along with sk... Free Essays on Teenage Curfew Free Essays on Teenage Curfew Teenage Curfew Thomas Jefferson, one of the founders of this country, said that â€Å" Those who would sacrifice a little freedom for a little security will lose both and deserve neither.† We are not a socialist state, the desires of the many do not out weigh the rights of the few. The rights of all groups and all individuals no matter how small, poor, weak, or unpopular, are sacred. Those rights are sacred regardless of what the majority believes will increase public safety. That is one of the founding principles that this country is based on. The individual’s rights are sacred, they are beyond question, and they are most certainly beyond arbitrary time restrictions, set by intolerant politicians. The evidence that curfews have any effect on crime is non-existent, the claim that they reduce victimization does not stand up to the simplest logical test, and that is that most victimization of young people occurs in the home, not on the streets or in places of business. The Report in the January 2002, edition of the Western Criminology Review, states plainly and simply that curfews have no effect on juvenile crime. Why then are these laws still routinely being passed around the country? Why have several cities that have had their laws challenged successfully, immediately rewritten the law and passed it again? They are not effecting crime, they are not protecting young people from victimization, the answer has eluded me for some time. My theory at the moment is that curfews are not especially harmful, but they are not too helpful either. They appear to be another high profile gimmick designed to get votes rather then make neighborhoods safe. Sports, recreation and family oriented policies can better increase community safety without sacrificing the freedom in our society. Like so many laws in the United States today, curfew laws are weapons of cultural aggression against youth. They go right along with sk...

The Impact of Lobbying on Standard Setting in Accounting Essay - 1

The Impact of Lobbying on Standard Setting in Accounting - Essay Example Since these standards must be complied, under the pain of â€Å"penalties† or consequences, companies or entities subject to it are necessarily interested on how should the guidelines or rules of action be made. Standards just like any other laws could be favorable to one person or group but may be unfavorable to another person or group. Standard setting therefore implies a balancing act in terms of its effect among different interested individuals or groups. 2.1.1 What the institutions are involved in standard setting in accounting? Two institutions must come together to have the accounting standards set or financial reporting standards accomplish the latter’s purpose. These are the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) and the Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB). SEC was established was created first in 1934 by the U.S. Congress while FASB’s creation followed in 1973. While SEC is basically an independent regulatory agency which should afford or allow investors information or facts about their investment before buying and while holding the same (Securities and Exchange Commission, 2011. , FASB is an independent, private and not-for-profit organization and recognized authoritative by the SEC (Financial Accounting Standards Board, n.d.). While the first is a government agency which implements laws enacted by congress and the second a private and non-profit organization, both must be independent.

Case Study Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 69

Case Study - Essay Example Today, the Company could be converted into a Public Limited Company where the public is allowed to invest in as a way of raising finances and also creating ownership. The Carrier Engineering Companys strength lied in the fact that it was a unique product penetrating the market. Beverage companies, Medical laboratories, households all use this product to regulate the temperature of their products or goods. Some products can only be used during hot seasons, and that is a major weakness. The product is in high demand during hot seasons thus providing an excellent opportunity. Another opportunity exists with companies that use coolers to manufacture or preserve their products. Fluctuation in weather poses as a major threat especially the cold season. The other threat back then was financial stability and clientele. With the current weather, the product is still much relevant in ensuring a "well-regulated environment"(Carrier, 2015). The cooler is also widely used by companies across the continent to enhance their products life. A cooler is also utilized in the manufacture of most of the products that we have in the market today such as laptops, and refrigerators. It is important to define your product. For Willis and the Carrier Company, a quality product is essential to getting referrals. It is also important to work with other companies that use coolers in the manufacturing process of their products. A good relationship with clients and an efficient customer service will ensure the company has an edge over other firms. A room for clients comment and feedback concerning the product is also important and consideration of the same. Willis carrier would need to make use of the balance sheet and the income statement of his company and that of his subsidiaries. The balance sheet will show him where his company stands at that particular point in time. The

Childhood Memories Image Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Childhood Memories Image - Essay Example In this picture, two children topless are playing on the river where they are joined by two water buffalo and its calf. Behind the buffalos, there is an old man with gray hair whom may be was with the children before the buffalo entered. Perhaps the children and the old man were cleaning themselves and washing the buffalos maybe after long hours working in the field as according to Viet Nam  culture. Water buffalo help peasant farmers lessen the burden of farm work as well as their significant property. The buffalo, one big and the other small maybe its calf splashes water to a great length along the river clearly showing they have just joined the children. The drops of water cover the background of the picture and almost obscure the older man’s face. One child seems to be touching the big buffalo with his left hand while the other enjoying as depicted by facial expression. The old man behind the cows is maybe waiving or raising his left hand a coincidence with the child tou ching the cow with the left hand. This picture was taken in the river or water pond. There seems good relationship between the two animals and the children. This leads to speculation that the animals belong to the children’s family as well as the old man who may be their grandfather. The presence of the boys and the buffalo in the river depicts different cultures in the world. Although people inherit various cultures, they have been interacting with different animals both kept domestically or esthetic. The Vietnamese people and the Asian have been domesticating water buffalo for both economic and aesthetic purposes. They form part of their agricultural civilization as well as cultural values. In fact, the boys, taking â€Å"shower† with the buffalos along the river with a grown-up man looking at the happening depict complete social, cultural inheritance.

vikings Essay example -- essays research papers

Vikings In Control They were fierce, heartless Barbarians who Seized and looted many European lands from the 800’s to 1000’s. They made their sneaky attacks at the crack of dawn killing anyone who came axe length away. Including innocent babies defenseless children of all ages, and helpless women. ( The Celebration Program) During their time, these people never called themselves â€Å"Vikings.† This name isn’t even meant to be the name or a group, but an activity. The base word vik was simply another name for a pirate. Therefore, to go a-viking meant to fight as a warrior. The Northmen, which is another name for Vikings, lived in small communities that were ruled by either a king or a chief. People were divided into three classes being noble, freeman, or slaves. The nobles were usually considered Kings because they were people who were wealthy. The freemen were farmers, merchants and people who served the ruler. Last, but not least slaves were Scandinavians whose ancestors had been enslaved. (The Celebration Program) Even though Vikings are addressed by one very large group, there are actually three kinds of Vikings. They are Norwegian, Swedish and Danish. The Norwegian Vikings were actually the group that began the raids in Lindisfarne in 793. They raided England, Ireland, the Isle of Man and Scotland. Because of Ireland’s fertile farms, rich churches and monasteries, it was a big target. Norwegian pirate chief Turgeis attacked Ireland from 839 ...

Explain and critically assess Weber’s conception of power

Introduction This essay explains and critically assesses Max Weber’s conception of power. In the current study Weber is identified as manifesting both the Hobbesian and Machiavellian proto-realist perspectives: in conceptualising power as fundamentally connected to implicit threat and coercive force. Hence the current study outlines the ways in which Weber’s notions of power hinge largely on the state’s coercive capabilities, examining various forms of social, political, and cultural violence therein. Further, the current study draws comparisons between Weber and Marx, looking at the similarities and distinction between the two thinkers: concluding that Weber has a different and more complex understanding of class divisions and power struggles than Marx did. The Many Faces of Power: Legitimate Domination and Willing Subjugation The renowned German sociologist Max Weber came to prominence in the latter half of the nineteenth century, a time in which the politico-economic theories of his precursor Karl Marx were beginning to take hold in Europe; when the â€Å"the spectre of Communism†, as the Communist Manifesto termed it, was â€Å"haunting† the continent (Marx and Engels, 2012, p.33). Moreover, this was a time of great social and political transformation in the West, whereupon the overall character of European polities had been drastically altered by waves of democratic fervour and revolutionary violence. The Revolutions of 1848, for instance, represented the single most concentrated outcrop of political upheaval in the history of European politics. â€Å"The 1848 revolutions†, says Micheline R. Ishay, â€Å"were a watershed. In the most industrialized countries, they broke the liberal-radical republican alliance against legitimist regimes and catalysed the formation of the most radic al human rights perspectives of the century† (2008, p.121). In a very significant sense, said revolutions were a movement against the established power structures of the era. This was a time of great liberal reform and technological change; the social and political apparatuses by which international relations were hitherto understood were being fundamentally transformed – as were theoretical conceptions of power. Although the 1848 Revolutions were mostly checked and curbed within a year of their outbreak, the underlying sentiment and intellectual kindling had not been extinguished. Instead, it fomented in various forms: one of which would lead eventually to the rise of Communism in the early twentieth century. With such conspicuous changes in the makeup of political relations during the nineteenth century, there came concurrent shifts in critical perspectives on how and why such changes occurred. Marx had upheld a perspective that prioritised historical materialism and the fundamental primacy of class struggle as defining political relations. Power, for Marx, concerned the power of those capitalist elites who owned the means of production to exploit the workers whose labour literally made production happen. Marx’s political philosophy was extremely widespread, known even to those who abjured it. For Marx, power also has much to do with class divisions: particularly between those who ow n the means of production, the bourgeoisie, and the workers, or proletariat, who exchange their labour value for wages. Power is thus manifested in the oppression of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie – for whom the social and political structures are geared to preserve the status quo, keeping the workers in a state of social, economic, and political subordination. Marx’s understanding of power, then, is concerned with large scale social and historical forces, particularly as they relate to material and industrial relations in determining power and overall socio-political mechanics. Weber, on the other hand, developed an approach that varied from the Marxian mould, stepping away from the perceived predominance of grand overarching forces in determining social and political relations. As a result, Weber also moved away from Marx’s theory of the strict bourgeoisie/proletariat duality as being the dominant paradigm in political economy. The latter class division was, for Marx, the principle animus for change in capitalist societies. As a consequence, Marx’s conception of power cannot be separated from his overall understanding of the relationship between capitalists and workers. For Weber, socio-economic divisions, and their relations to power, are far more complex than those posited by Marx. Weber understood class distinctions as deriving from more than just an inequality in property relations; instead, Weber posited that it was the unequal distribution of power that resulted in social dividing lines. Power for Weber was, again, more intricate and mu ltifaceted than the kind Marx had proposed. Weber states that power is â€Å"the chance of a man or of a number of men to realize their own will in a communal action even against the resistance of others who are participating in the action† (1968, p.926). Already we can see that Weber’s rendition of power is more abstract and open to interpretation that that of Marx. Further, Weber’s conception of power is similar to modern critical formulations of same; where â€Å"power†, at its most fundamental, â€Å"entails the capacity of one actor to make another actor do something which they would not otherwise do† (Haugaard, 2004, p.304). Most importantly, Weber’s definition is very broad; it allows for application in a number of contexts: social, economic, political, cultural, familial, sexual, interpersonal, and many others. Violence and Coercion: the Centrality of Force in Power Relations Weber’s conception of power is â€Å"inextricably connected to violence and coercion† (Kreisberg, 1992, p.39). Such violence is articulated though various social structures, from the microcosm of the family to the macrocosm of the state. Weber consequently sees â€Å"subjects as being on the receiving end of structures of power† (Whimster and Lash, 2006, p.22). The interactions between these discrete structures of power allow for varying degrees of control over the exercise of violence: where certain individuals or groups have access to or are denied the means to exert their will. For Weber, such means obtain to ideas of legitimacy. Hence, for Weber, the question of power relate to issues about: â€Å"who controls the means of violence; who enjoys a monopoly over economic resources; who controls the legitimate means of political power; and finally who has control over symbolic force† (Turner, 2002, p.215). Social action is thus enabled by control of distin ct fields of power. The more such fields of power can be channelled and consolidated, the more power that obtains. This can be seen very clearly, for example, in the state’s exclusive mandate on legal violence (via armed forces, police, prisons, and so forth). Hence Weber defines the state as â€Å"that agency within society which possesses the monopoly of legitimate violence† (cited in Wanek, 2013, p.12). Accordingly, in Weber’s view, the implicit threat of violence perpetually underwrites the state’s authority. Thus Weber’s position anticipates Mao Zedong’s famous declaration that â€Å"political power grows out of the barrel of a gun† (cited in Wardlaw, 1989, p.43). For Weber, then, coercive force is fundamental to power. Put simply, coercion equates to influence; and influence is power. National political power is therefore structured on implied coercive mechanisms. Hence Weber avers that â€Å"if no social institutions existed that knew the use of violence, then the ‘state’ would be eliminated† (cited in Wagner, 2002, p.120). So conceived, the state is in itself a form of coercive apparatus. Because the state monopolises legal violence, the state is the primary source of power as such. This means access to power is achieved via access to and control over the mechanisms of state. Power is thus manifested in the specific structures on which the social order is based. However, Weber does not believe that power is constituted in coercive force exclusively. Instead, a dynamic of obedience obtains between the ruling class and those ruled: in which the latter group willingly obey their political leaders. Here, Weber’s conce ption of power becomes more complex, delineating ideas of legitimate domination. As Weber perceives it, social conformity, or, as he puts it, â€Å"performance of the command†, may â€Å"have been motivated by the ruled’s own conviction of its propriety, or by his sense of duty, or by fear, or by ‘dull’ custom, or by a desire to obtain some benefit for himself† (1968, p.947). The dominated thus inadvertently cooperate in their domination. Hence we can see that Weber’s conceptualisation of power echoes a Hobbesian perspective, which stresses a central causality between a â€Å"sovereign† power and popular subjugation (Sreedhar, 2010, p.33). Furthermore, state power and interest are related to a conflictual paradigm where self-interest and the will to domination are taken as a given. Weber thus articulates a realist perspective. In addition, Weber’s notion of legitimate domination somewhat chimes with Gramscian hegemony, in that power is constituted and reconstituted in various complex sites, working overall to legitimise the status quo. As a result of this, Weber is distinct from Marx in two very important ways: firstly, he sees power as more abstract, subtle, and complex than Marx does; secondly, he sees power as deriving from many different types of social phenomena – not just class struggle. Following this logic, Weber also applies the same extended complexity to the concept of the origin s of power. Thus, for Weber, power comes from â€Å"three different sources†: â€Å"class (economic power), status (social power), and parties (political power)† (Levine, 2006, p.6). As we can see, then, Weber’s conception of power is based on coercion, force, domination, social structures, and a quasi-hegemonic socio-political structure that promotes and induces willing subjugation in the populace. Weber’s ideas are clearly more reflective of realist political theory than of Marxian idealism, which posits utopic notions of eventual global socialist harmony. This is not to say that Weber wholesale rejects the Marxian position, he does not; rather, he accommodates Marx’s economic arguments in his overall politico-economic model. Further, he expands upon and problematises them. As one would therefore expect, much like his conception of power, Weber’s conception of class is far more nuanced and open to interpretation than that of Marx. For Weber, class pertains to the numerous potential relations that may obtain in a given economic market. In particular, this relates to relationships that arise between an individual, or a group, as concerns a given market. This means that different kinds of economic distinctions will give rise to specific forms of class relation – not just a worker/capitalist polarity. Weber sees class as a social concept that encompasse s numerous iterations within an overall economic purview. Such iterations include professionals, landowners, bankers, financiers, and many others (Hamilton, 1991, p.182). In sum, then, Weber recognises numerous different kinds of class distinctions, each with their own complex sets of power relations. This heterogeneity, in turn, adds complexity to the overall function of power in its specific fields and sites of operation. For Weber, then, power relates to a multiform phenomenon. In treating of the economic dimensions of power, Weber observes that the â€Å"typical chance for a supply of goods, external living conditions, and personal life experiences† are fundamentally determined by â€Å"the amount and kind of power, or lack of such, to dispose of goods or skills† for the sake of â€Å"income in a given economic order† (1968, p.927). Hence Weber observes a clear causal continuum between economic and other kinds of power, where one can come to necessitate (or, at least, facilitate) the other. Where Weber significantly diverges from Marx is in his posited importance of the modes of power that function semi-independently of economic considerations. Specifically, Weber places much emphasis on social status. â€Å"For Weber, status groups are collectives of people with similar lifestyles, and they often overlap with economic class position† (Levine, 2006, p.6). In other words, the socially powerful tend to be located in economically powerful cohorts; at the same time, those without social power tend to be associated with non-economically powerful cohorts. This last assertion can seem very similar to the Marxian view, of the powerful bourgeoisie and non-powerful proletariat. However, the important distinction in Weber’s position is that affinities are drawn more primarily from social, not economic, similarities. Put simply, for Weber, two individuals or groups with similar social lives but different economic statuses could cohere nonetheless; their social alignment supersedes their economic misalignment. The economic distinction is not, for Weber, as integrally conflictual as it is for Marx. This is not to say the Weber does not see class as an important social factor; rather, it to say that, unlike Marx, Weber does not see class struggle as the defining characteristic of history and society. He does not therefore adopt Marx and Engel’s famous assertion that â€Å"all history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggle† (2012, p.33). Hence, while Weber sees class as a significant variable in overall quality of life, in dictating one’s opportunities for advancement, for the acquisition of power, he does not identify a corollary primacy in class as catalysing social action and historical change. Friction between social forces – as embodied by class – is not the central source of social tension. This has to do with Weber’s complex and diverse view of class. Weber sees class as heterogeneous and thus not easily reducible to two opposing factions. Compared to Weber, Marx’s views of power and class are over ly reductive. Of the worker, Weber observes, his â€Å"interests† may â€Å"vary widely, according to whether he is constitutionally qualified for the task at hand to a high, to an average, or to a low degree†, meaning, in consequence, that â€Å"societal or even of communal action† from â€Å"a common class situation† is â€Å"by no means a universal phenomenon† (Weber, 1968, p. 929). In other words, the working class cannot simply be lumped together in a bloc group understood as sharing uniform priorities and ambitions. In many senses, that is, power moves beyond material and economic divisions; cannot be attributed to isolated causes and motivations. Conclusion In conclusion, Weber’s conception of power is much in keeping with that proffered by classical realists, where coercive force constitutes the primary hinge around which political power moves. By extension, other manifestations of power both derive legitimacy from, while at the same time reciprocally legitimating, the state: by functioning within its purview. Weber diverges from Marxian reductivism, rejecting the polarity of capitalist/worker class struggle and the primacy of historical materialism. Weber accordingly refutes Marx’s position that common class identity is sufficient to galvanise a homogenous intellectual action; he thus identifies many more lines of division between various social groups. For Weber, power is deeply related to social structures; indeed, power is seen to body forth though social structures, thereby keeping the popular masses in place. Interestingly, the power invested in said structures works, also, to instil a sense of obedience in the publ ic. The public therefore helps to perpetuate the status quo by conforming with, thus legitimating, the state’s exercise of coercive force. References Hamilton, P., 1991. Max Weber, Critical Assessments 2: Volume 2. London: Routledge. Haugaard, P., 2004. Power: A Reader. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Ishay, M. R., 2008. The History of Human Rights: From Ancient Times to the Globalization Era. Berkley, CA: University of California Press. Levine, R. H., 2006. Social Class and Stratification: Classic Statements and Theoretical Debates. Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield. Marx, K. & Engels, F., 2012. The Communist Manifesto: A Modern Edition. London: Verso. Sreedhar, S., 2010. Hobbes on Resistance: Defying the Leviathan. New York: Cambridge University Press. Turner, B. S., 2002. Max Weber: From History to Modernity. New York: Routledge. Wagner, H., 2002. War and the State: The Theory of International Politics. Michigan: University of Michigan Press. Wanek, A., 2013. The State and Its Enemies in Papua New Guinea. Richmond: Curzon Press. Wardlaw, G., 1989. Political Terrorism: Theory, Tactics and Counter-Measures. New York: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge. Weber, M., 1968. Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology, New York: Bedminster Press. Whimster, S. & Lash, S., 2006. Max Weber, Rationality and Modernity. Oxon: Routledge.